Section 907 – why it should be repealed

21 Apr 2026 09:05

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Washington DC Capitol dome detail with waving american flag © Andrea Izzotti / shutterstock.com

The number of US congressmen joining the bill to repeal Section 907 is growing. Recently, Republican Representative Derrick Van Orden joined the initiative led by Anna Paulina Luna.

It should be recalled that in December last year, Representative Anna Paulina Luna introduced a bill in Congress titled “To Repeal Restrictions on Assistance to Azerbaijan”, which seeks the complete repeal of Section 907. The move triggered strong backlash from the Armenian diaspora and lobbying groups in the US Congress. Most analysts initially believed the initiative would remain a one-person effort, given the influence of Armenian lobbying and the assumption that even a Republican majority would not be sufficient to overcome it.

However, these forecasts have not materialised. In March, Republican Congressman Abraham Hamadeh joined the initiative. In early April, Representatives Celeste Maloy, Burgess Owens and Pete Sessions also became co-sponsors. Last week, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) launched a campaign against Republican Congressman Randy Fine, a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who also joined the initiative.

Before the diaspora’s reaction had subsided, it was reported that another congressman, Derrick Van Orden, had also joined as a co-sponsor. Van Orden serves on several key House committees, including Armed Services, Veterans’ Affairs and Agriculture. A former special forces member, he is a prominent figure in security and defence policy circles and is known for advocating stronger strategic cooperation between the United States and its allies.

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Source: APA

The emergence of a legislative initiative to repeal what is described as the unjust and internationally inconsistent Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act was largely anticipated. The United States’ growing engagement in the South Caucasus peace processes, including the historic trilateral meeting in Washington on 8 August, and the Charter on Strategic Partnership signed in Baku on 10 February between President Ilham Aliyev and US Vice President JD Vance, have made the repeal of the amendment increasingly likely. The growing number of co-sponsors suggests the issue is unlikely to be delayed indefinitely.

Some argue that a handful of co-sponsors cannot compare with the dozens or even hundreds of votes supporting pro-Armenian initiatives. Indeed, such proposals often receive significant backing, as many members of Congress unfamiliar with regional dynamics tend to support positions promoted by Armenian lobbying groups. However, these numbers do not always reflect well-informed assessments of the situation.

The Charter on Strategic Partnership with Azerbaijan is more substantive and less ceremonial than a similar document signed with Armenia in January last year during the final phase of the Biden administration. The Armenian document was prepared quickly and focused largely on short-term objectives rather than deeper bilateral cooperation.

By contrast, the charter with Azerbaijan was the result of longer, more detailed negotiations. Baku pursued a practical framework setting out concrete areas of cooperation rather than symbolic declarations. As a result, the document is broader in scope and more foundational, addressing key mutual interests and the national priorities of both sides.

Today, Azerbaijan and the United States share common interests in promoting lasting peace in the South Caucasus and developing new transport routes, including the Zangezur corridor.

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Source: APA

Azerbaijan plays a key role for the United States due to its strategic location, its contribution to energy security, and its involvement in the development of the Middle Corridor. Cooperation focuses on strengthening connectivity between Asia and Europe, diversifying energy supplies, and enhancing security cooperation. The US interest in diversifying Europe’s energy sources is clearly geostrategic, but it also aligns with Azerbaijan’s own objective of expanding and diversifying its oil and gas exports.

Over its 34-year history, the amendment has been inactive for more than 20 years. It was first waived in 2002, and since then US presidents have renewed the waiver on an annual basis.

The amendment was adopted under pressure from Armenian lobbying groups, with language stating that it would remain in force “until Azerbaijan takes demonstrable steps to cease all blockades and offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.” Section 907 is often cited as an example of political inconsistency. Critics argue that while Armenia continued military actions and ethnic cleansing, sanctions were imposed on Azerbaijan, which was facing aggression. By that time, events such as the Khojaly tragedy had already occurred and territories including Shusha had been occupied, yet Congress voted based on allegations of a blockade against Armenia. Many lawmakers had limited information about the situation in the region, and debate on the issue was minimal at the time.

Alternative views began to emerge after the signing of the “Contract of the Century” in Baku. In May 1997, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said the administration strongly opposed Section 907. Subsequently, restrictions were eased and certain exemptions were granted to US companies operating in Azerbaijan. Following the 11 September 2001 attacks, Azerbaijan’s support in the fight against international terrorism became particularly important for the United States.

While campaigning for the presidency, Joe Biden said the United States should strictly adhere to Section 907 and “stop the flow of military equipment to Azerbaijan.” However, after taking office, he reversed this position in June 2022 and included military assistance to Azerbaijan in the annual budget, a move that disappointed Armenian lobbying groups.

In August 2025, Donald Trump signed an order temporarily suspending the amendment.

For Azerbaijan, the full repeal of the amendment is largely a matter of principle. The country is sovereign and self-sufficient, making external pressure difficult to exert. Moreover, despite lobbying efforts, the United States has consistently found ways to maintain cooperation with Azerbaijan. Ultimately, strategic interests have continued to take precedence.

By Tural Heybatov

News.Az